Beer as Part of the Diet

Beer has been drunk for more than 6000 years, from the time that it was rst made by happenstance in the middle age of ancient times (Bamforth 2003). Ever since, it has become a staple part of the diet in many cultures. Furthermore, it has not only comprised a valuable addition to the table, but has served various medicinal roles, including mouthwash, enema, vaginal douche and applicant to wounds (Darby et al. 1977).
Beer (and other forms of alcohol) differs in its signi cance, acceptability and importance from culture to culture. At one extreme the prophet Mohammed forbade his followers to drink alcohol, thereby establishing a point of difference from Christianity. The Koran speaks of alcohol as being an 'abomination and the work of Satan' (5: 90). Conversely, the Kofyar of northern Nigeria believe that 'man's way to god is with beer in hand' (Netting 1964). In the Aztec nation, religious worshippers were obliged to get drunk for fear of displeasing the gods (Thompson 1940). In India, the various deities demand different approaches to the use of alcohol. Indeed, in some areas of India, alcohol is replaced by infusions of hashish (Carstairs 1957). What better illustration might one use to stress the need for tolerance of others' customs and beliefs and of what is or is not acceptable?
Mandelbaum, in discussing the Tiriki of Kenya, observes:

Beer is a constant medium of social interchange for men; beer drinking is a preoccupying activity that few men reject. Drinking beer together induces physical and social mellowness in men. Very little aggressive behaviour is ever shown as a result of drinking, and that little is promptly squelched. Pathological addiction rarely, if ever, occurs. Mandelbaum (1979)
This thought-provoking view surely reminds us that we should view the consumption of beer (and other alcoholic beverages) from a holistic standpoint.
The historical importance within society of beer (and other alcoholic beverages, such as wine in climates where grapes could be grown) is illustrated by the argument that nomadic tribes gravitated to crop farming and organised communities in order to ensure a constant supply of beverages (Kendell 1987).
In many cultures, especially those of Northern Europe, beer was through generations the staple drink for the whole family, young and old. At least in part this was on account of beer being safer to drink than water in days when there were no water puri cation systems. The ale, after all, had been through a boiling stage, whereas the local supply of water had not. The ale tasted better too. Cesar de Saussure, a Swiss writing in 1720 (see de Saussure 1902), found in London that:

Though water is to be had in abundance in London, and of fairly good quality, absolutely none is drunk. In this country beer is what everybody drinks when thirsty.

The early settlers in Virginia fell sick for want of ale, on account of the local infected water that they were obliged to drink. One of the rst settlers, Richard Ffrethorne, bemoaned the lack of any creature comforts, bitter that back in England folk were healthy on their strong ale whereas here there was only water to drink (Kingsbury 1906-1935).
It was only with the development of cleaner water and the advent of tea and coffee drinking in the seventeenth century that beer in countries such as Great Britain progressively shifted away from being the staple beverage at mealtimes for all members of the family unit, and became more of a luxury item.
Yet there remain cultures, notably the Czech Republic and Germany, where the consumption of beer to accompany a meal remains a key feature of the diet, which is re ected in the per capita consumption gures (Table 1.1).